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Horace G-reeli^. 



IN 1872. 



HIS Political POSITION and motives 



IN THE 



LATE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST. 



BY JAMES S. PIKE. 

11 



RE- PUBLISHED FROlVr THK NEW YORK TRIBUNE. 



NEW YORK : .' 

Rowers, ^VIacgowan 8f ^lipper, j^rinters, 

Corner Nassau and Frankfort Streets. 

1873 



yia 



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.7 



HORACE GREELEY 

11^ 1872. 



I]sr the numerous notices and "recollections" of 
Mr. Greeley by partisan hands, since the death of that 
distinguished man, the intimation is often made that j 
not only lost caste as a Kepublican, but lost character by 
becoming the candidate of the opposition at the late 
election ; and this chapter of his lif^ is patronizingly 
passed over as one which might better be treated with 
silence and left to oblivion. 

In the first place, no such thing is possible in a life as 
eminent and as conspicuous as that of Mr. Grreeley. In 
the next, it is an impertinent imputation which every 
friend of his desires promptly to rej^^il. No such for- 
bearance is asked or desired. His friends challenge 
the closest scrutiny on this as on every other chapter of 
his eventful life. Mr, Greeley threw himself into the 
canvass as the determined opponent of a sordid corrup- 
tion that he believed was disgracing the Republican 
party and destroying the public morals. The late num- 
erous and painful public disclosures of Credit Mobilier, 
Senatorial, and other corruptions, that have simultane- 
ously burst upon and astounded the country, demon- 
strate to the world how well founded his convictions 
were. 

These developments throw a flood of light upon the 
late canvass by making plain to all what was previously 



/ 



known to but comparatively few ; namely, tliat our 
national politics had long been becoming thoroughly 
corrupt. They have also widened the basis of the 
knowledge possessed by those few, and more than con- 
firmed all their worst suspicions. There is no longer 
any doubt that widespread rottenness prevails in our 
public aifairs and among our puljlic men. The question 
now is getting to be, how much have we left that is 
sound ? How many States and how many Congress dis- 
tricts exist that are not under the control of corrupt 
agencies and influences ? 

THE BEGINNING OF PUBLIC COREUPTION. 

The fruitage season of corruption, now running to 
seed in Washington and all over the country, was pre- 
ceded by its budding and blossoming time at the Capi- 
-»tol. It l)egan in the period of war contracts in the 
time of Mr. Lincoln ; it continued under the hybrid ad- 
ministration of Andrew Johnson ; and flowered vigor- 
ously at the close of the war, when Gen. Grant's military 
and personal friends took possession of our civil affairs. 
Its growth was at that period viewed with the deepest 
concern by every observer cognizant of public affairs. 
The inauguration of Gen. Grant became an epoch in its 
progress. The instant raid then made upon the offices 
by a rough-shod and eager crew, who knew what the} 
became Republicans for, was one of the most significant 
events in our political history. The old Republicans 
were everywhere immediately displaced by the ne^v 
crowd. 

It was not long before there came reports of numer- 
ous accomplished and attempted thefts, robberies, defal- 
cations, and swindling transactions in the various De- 
partments, in addition to the usual supply in Congres;^. 






The most conspicuous of these, and the one which first 
excited wide attention, arose in the Post Office Depart- 
ment, and subsequently became notorious as the " Chor- 
penning Claim." Mr. Postmaster-General Creswell had 
deliberately sanctioned an attempt to take from the 
Treasury the sum of $440,000, on a claim urged by his 
former law-partner, which the House of Representatives, 
by a nearly unanimous vote, declared fraudulent and 
void. This was deemed a proper occasion by some of 
the best Kepul)licans in Congress to break ground, and 
make a resolute stand against an evidently still rising 
tide of corruption, which, if not checked by some con- 
certed and authoritative measures, it was seen would 
soon debauch the new Executive Government, further 
demoralize Congress and the country, and result finally 
in endangering the ascendency of the Republican party. 
In the event of Gen. Grant's failing to invite Mr. Cres- 
well to resign, it was suggested that Congress should 
give a significant hint to that gentleman to retire. But 
while Congress was prompt to stamp Mr. Creswell's 
action as infamous, it exhibited an incredible reluct- 
ance to do anything which looked like personally antag- 
onizing members against him. The reasons for this re- 
luctance were not then understood, and until lately have 
only been but partially disclosed. They become sur- 
prisingly clear in the light of recent developments. 

ME. GREELEY ENTERS THE LISTS AGAINST CORRUPTION. 

It was at this period that Mr. Greeley was approached 
and solicited to make open proclamation against the 
Creswell transaction and throw the whole weight of 
The Tribune into a resolute demand for his removal. 
Mr. Greeley was at that time a warm friend and sup- 
porter of Gen. Grant and the administration. It was 



V 



urged upon him that the good name and honorable 
character of the Republican party demanded that Cres- 
well should go overboard ; that in no other way could 
so much be done to check the bold march of venality 
and corruption ; that it was the duty of the press to call 
upon the President to set his face like a flint against this 
first open and flagrant attempt at public robbery ; that 
it might be early understood that the new Administra- 
tion would not for one moment tolerate transactions like 
this. It was the first actual and threatenins: crevasse 
that had opened, and it must be promptly stopped if an 
inundation was to be averted. Those views were en- 
forced by suggesting the inquiry as to what would pro- 
bably be Mr. Creswell's fate if, instead of Gen. Grant, 
Mr. Chase, or Mr, Fessenden, or Mr. Charles Francis 
Adams, were at the head of the administration. There- 
was no one to contest the conclusion that in either case 
Mr. Creswell's place would not be worth an hour's pur- 
chase. Mr. Greeley recognized the force of the consid- 
erations alleged, and offered to print anything in aid of 
the object in view, and did publish some strictures on 
the transaction ; but, as it was thought that Gen. Grant's 
pertinacity and pride of opinion, in the selection of his 
Cabinet oflicers, was not likely to be overcome by any 
mere newspaper solicitations, Mr. Greeley did not see 
his way clear to make such a pronounced effort as was 
desired. It proved subsequently that this view of the 
case was correct, so far as any action of Gen. Grant in 
the premises was concerned. For the President was 
afterward approached on the same subject by eminent Ke- 
publicans in Congress, who were his supporters then, and 
who are his supporters now, and a reconstruction of his 
Cabinet, urged on the ground of this and other scandals 
of which it was argued the Republican party ought not 



\ 



to bear the weight ; but the attempt to secure such re- 
construction signally failed, though backed by Senatorial 
names. The President thought that Creswell and 
Robeson were as good as any of the rest of his Cabinet. 

HOW ME. GREELEY AIMED TO COERECT ABUSES. 

But it is not Presidential obtuseness that I wish to 
illustrate, but the character and position of Mr. Greeley. 
Always a warm partisan and an ardent su23porter of the 
Republican party, seeking the forefront of the battle, 
he was not anxious to find flaws in its administration, 
but sought to excuse rather than condemn. He was un- 
willing to make sharp issues with Gen. Grant's Admin- 
istration, even while condemning its tone and many of 
its acts. He thought there was a better way, and that 
friendly solicitation would serve better than indignant 
comment. It is known to all readers of The Tribune, 
that he pursued that course through all the Cabinet 
scandals, and all the carpet-bag rascalities and robberies, 
the irregularities and swindling operations of the vast 
crowd of revenue officers in New York and elsewhere, 
the defalcations and speculations of what was known 
as the " Military Ring," and the general gorging of the 
new tribe who had gained possession of the Govern- 
ment places, till at length he could stand it no longer. 
Mr. Greeley steadily aimed at the friendly correction of 
these abuses, by, as might almost be said, supporting 
Gen. Grant against Gen. Grant's Administration. Fully 
recognizing the necessity of reform, he aimed to secure 
it by continuing his support of the regular organization 
of the Repuljlican party. Party divisions in the State 
of New York greatly embarrassed this line of action, 
and Ml*. Greeley was made to feel, by the action of party 
managers, how unavailing were his efforts. 



r 



6 



I mark the epoch of the Creswell transaction because 
it was about that time that Mr. Greeley's mind began 
to be more impressed with the magnitude and wide- 
spread character of the corruptions that had seized hold 
of the country, and which neither the precept nor the 
example of the national administration was calculated 
to check. Revolving the subject in his mind, he finally 
came to the conclusion that things ought not to go on in 
the old ruts any longer, and that a change was neces- 
sary. He accordingly avowed his opposition to Gen. 
Grant's renomination. He used to speak privately of 
affairs in Washington as being " rotten through and 
through " in Congress and the Departments, but especi- 
ally in the Post-OfSce Department ; and that he could 
see no remedy except in a complete change from top to 
bottom. A particular point of discouragement was 
that Gen. Cox's efforts to begin a civil service reform at 
Washington, while a member of the Cabinet, were 
hooted at, and cost that able and honest man his place. 
A man high in the long exercise of his Senatorial office 
at Washington used at the time to regale the willing ear 
of the President with his vews of the absurdity of at- 
tempting any such reform, and by volunteering his 
judgment that Mr. Cox was only fit to be Secretary of 
the Interior in the " Kingdom of Heaven." But this 
question afterward took on such a threatening aspect 
that the President felt compelled, at a late day, to de- 
clare himself a convert to the doctrine to which Cox had 
been sacrificed. 

PAETISAN CONSID.EEATIONS EEJECTED. 

But at length Mr. Greeley saw, what became evident 
to everybody, that Gen. Grant's renomination was a 
foreordained event; that his re-election would only per- 



petuate and intensify a state of things which he was 
firmly persuaded had gone on already quite too long for 
the public good, Mr. Greeley felt that he knew. The 
question with him at this juncture was, whether he 
would bow to this coming decision of the Republican 
party, and support its nominee, or whether he would 
resist and contest the issue. Mr. Greeley's position at 
this time was viewed by Republicans with great interest 
and concern, and many doubts were expressed as to 
whether he would " stick." It was generally believed 
that his active Republican sentiments and his old strong 
partisan feelings would finally prevail to shape his 
action, and that he vvould, in obedience to them, do as 
he did in the canvass of 1848, when he determinedly 
opposed Gen. Taylor's nomination. At that time, after 
finding his opposition fruitless, he reluctantly wheeled 
into line and supported the ticket. It was thought he 
would do so now. 

But the event proved this expectation groundless. 
Mr. Greeley gave abundant notice from time to time, in 
his journal, that the period had arrived when he would no 
longer be swayed by partisan considerations, but that 
he would renounce the position of party organ, and fol- 
lowing the dictates of his own judgment and conscience, 
throw himself and his paper exclusively upon the gen- 
eral public intelligence for support. He claimed that 
he could not conscientiously support the continuation 
of the existing state of things, and would not counten- 
ance, by his voice or his vote, the men who were corruptly, 
as he believed, controlling public affairs. He demanded 
that these be given over to purer custodians. He was 
not tired of Republicans or Republicanism. His faith 
was unchanged. But he hated corruption, and he 
longed for honesty and purity and moral perception in 



administration. He was ready to make every sacrifice 
and fight tlie battle on a forlorn hope rather than yield 
his convictions of what the public good demanded. 

This was the position of Mr. Greeley at a period an- 
terior to the call of a body of independent Keformers 
who were in motion for a convention in the interests of 
Civil Service and Revenue Reform. 



ME. GEEELEY STILL A EEPUBLICAlSr. 

It is easy to say from a partisan point of view that, 
in taking this position, Mr. Greeley left the Republican 
party. He did no such thing. He dissented from the 
action of a majority of its representatives, in their nom- 
ination of a candidate for President. He did this from 
high motives of public policy, as well as in the interest 
of Republicanism itself He did not wish to overthrow 
it or defeat it, but to purify and vitalize it. He did not 
wish to undo one of its great achievements. He did 
not wish to modify one of its great results. He was 
still for emancipation, for enfranchisement, for the equal 
rights of all men, in behalf of which a great w^ar had 
been successfully waged. He aimed at the education 
and elevation of the benighted children of the African 
race on this continent, and to see that not one right of 
theirs was abridged by any measure of public policy. 
More than this, he aimed to advance the Republican 
standard still further forward in the direction it had 
been steadily moving since the Rebellion began, and to 
gain in the future even greater triumphs, than it had 
achieved in the past. He wished to consolidate those 
triumphs by harmonizing the antagonisms between the 
two races at the South, and by softening and removing 
the asperities between the North and South which those 



triumplis Lad created. He patriotically aimed at these 
lofty purposes in the future, thus to secure more com- 
pletely the Republican achievements of the past. These 
were his plain, transparent, well defined, often explained 
motives and purposes in the position he assumed, after 
dissenting from the nomination of Gen. Grant. 

Was this to cease to be a Republican, or was it to be 
more of a Rej^ublican than ever ? How al)^urd and 
preposterous then to charge or to intimate that Mr. 
Greeley deserted his Republicanism, or changed his 
ground, or lowered his tone upon one single point em- 
braced in the original creed, or any of its accretions, of 
the Repu])lican party, from the beginning to the end of 
his luminous career. 

He declined to suj)port the Republican nomination 
of Gen. Grant. He did it, as we have seen, from high 
moral and patriotic considerations. He aimed to defeat 
his election, still holding to every political principle and 
dogma he had espoused since the founding of the Re- 
publican party. And this is all. To condemn Mr. 
Greeley for this, or in a review of his character to hold 
this conduct up for animadversion as reflecting upon his 
honesty or his truth, or his consistency even^ is to meas- 
ure him by a standard and weigh him in a scale which 
has no recognition among the eternities. It is only by 
applying a high moral standard that we can determine 
whether a man has acted unworthily. To refuse to go 
with the majority of one's party may be the height of 
virtue. It depends on the motive, and it depends on 
the object. If these be pure, the act is commendable ; 
and it may happen that such an act is the most resplen- 
dent of a political life. Without caring to claim so 
much as this for Mr. Greeley, I do hold that it is only a 
short-sighted partisanship that can see in Mr. Greeley's 



10 

course, up to this point, anything to censure or condemn. 
And where such censure or such condemnation is ex- 
pressed, it must be deemed rather the measure of the 
critic himself than of the object criticised. For those 
who say they cannot reconcile Mr. Greeley's position 
with his previous career, his friends have only to say 
that such a remark is tantamount to admitting an ina- 
bility to understand how a high motive can prevail 
aorainst a low one. 



THE CANDIDATE OF THE DEMOCEACY. 

But it is the complaint of Mr. Greeley's critics, not 
only that he declined to support the nomination of the 
Republican party, but that he became the candidate of 
their great adversary, the Democratic party, of whom 
Mr. Greeley himself had been the lifelong and persist- 
ent opponent. The implication from this fact is that he 
deserted his own and went over to the Democratic 
party. 

While the facts alleged are notorious, the implication 
is wholly without foundation. A simple narrative of 
events as they occurred dispels the charge. His being 
a candidate was purely a secondary and accidental cir- 
cumstance. His position, as I have endeavored to eluci- 
date it, was taken wholly independent of this circum- 
stance. It was assumed when he was scarcely thought 
of as a Presidential candidate, and when any betting 
man would have offered a thousand to one against his 
chances for such a nomination. Mr. Greeley himself 
was not thinking of it, but only of leading the way at 
the head of his great and influential journal, in protest- 
ing, in behalf of thousands and tens of thousands of 
thinking and earnest Republicans, against the corrup- 



11 

tions of the men who were influential leaders of the Re- 
publican party. He was polishing his weapons for a 
contest in which he knew he should delight, and into 
which he proposed to enter with his whole heart and 
soul. He felt his power, and he knew it was greatest 
in an aggressive war against corruption and incompe- 
tency, against criminality and falsehood, in the guise of 
political virtue. He looked for a great defection in the 
Republican ranks under this protesting banner. In this 
he difi"ered from many of his personal friends, who be- 
lieved that the public confidence in Gen. Grant remained 
in the main unshaken, and that when his name came 
again before the people all secondary considerations 
would be overlooked and overborne, and that he would 
be triumphantly elected. But Mr. Greeley would fight 
his battles all the same, regardless of consequences, and 
regardless of all temporary sacrifices, pecuniary and 
otherwise, that he knew his course would inevitably en- 
tail. He undoubtedly believed he was laying the foun- 
dation for a Vjroad and successful Reform movement in 
the future, and that the losses now would be more than 
compensated by the gain hereafter. It was Mr. Greeley's 
intellectual habit to be always preparing the way for a 
better" future. He was a man ever impatient for pro- 
gress. He was never content to rest on accomplished 
results. He was always on the alert for new positions 
and new issues. It was a favorite theory of his that 
frequent political changes were useful to the public. 
He held that every party became corrupt by being long 
in power, and that this corruption was never fully probed 
and never destroyed except by such changes. He cared 
nothing for the preservation of party except as an 
agency to promote high principles and useful measures. 
He did care everything for principles ; but if they were 



12 

ignored or disregarded, lie cared not wliat became of the 
party that only emptily professed them. 

HIS POSITION CONCERNING THE TARIFF. 

There is really no reason whatever to believe Mr. 
Greeley anticipated any other result than that we have 
indicated in the opposition he had now avowed. With 
the people who originally proposed to meet at Cincin- 
nati for Civil Service and Revejiue Reform, Mr. Greeley 
had no sympathy. Their cardinal object was to make 
head against that protective policy which he had long 
warmly supported. But as a body favorable to reform 
in general, Mr. Greeley aimed to utilize it in the direc- 
tion of such reforms as he himself favored. He thought 
the two classes of reformers might act harmoniously in 
pursuit of a common object, by agreeing each to remit 
the chief subject of disagreement between them, namely, 
the Tariff question, to the popular constituencies of the 
Congress Districts. It is hard to see anything blamable 
in this, but only a wise precaution ; since practically it 
did not alter the position of the question in the present 
or in the future by a hair's l)readth. But it has been 
made a matter of reproach to Mr. Greeley, in the allega- 
tion that he thereby abandoned his own previous posi- 
tion on the subject. The reproach is unmerited ; since 
the allegation is wholly untrue. He did not aljandon 
any position he ever occupied on the subject, and did 
not propose to forego its discussion or even the advocacy 
he had so long practiced. But Mr. Greeley was en- 
deavoring to harmonize the elements of the opposition 
for the common advantage, and without reference to 
himself He wanted that Convention to agree on a 
Presidential candidate he could support, and he did not 
conceal his preferences that that candidate should be 



13 

Lyman Trumbull. But he did not go to the Convention, 
and did not seek in the least, either by solicitation or 
combination, to influence its action. 

But in due time, to the utter surprise of everyl^ody, 
and especially of Mr. Greeley himself, it did nominate 
him as its candidate for the Presidency. As much of 
the reproach heaped upon Mr. Greeley is because he be- 
came the candidate of the opposition, we should like to 
ask just here, what was Mr. Greeley to do in these cir- 
cumstances ? He certainly was not to blame for his 
nomination. He had not contrived it ; he had not an- 
ticipated it. The result was a spontaneous judgment of 
the majority at Cincinnati that he was the most fit man 
to be nominated. Was he to repel this judgment ? Was 
he to withdraw, and say he would not run ? It is none 
too much to say that he could with propriety do neither. 
Of all men in the movement, it was not for him to balk 
at the first step of the Convention, and thus interpose 
an obstacle to its success by discrediting its judgment. 
Mr. Greeley, then, was in no sense responsible for his 
own nomination, and thus deserves no reproach for it. 
He had it thrust upon him, and he could not escape its 
consequences. No conditions were attached to it, and 
no promises exacted. He was taken on a position he 
had long before marked out for himself, when he origin- 
ally resolved on fighting the l)attle in the ranks, in be- 
half of whoever might lead. 

HIS POSITION CONSISTENT THROUGHOUT. 

Neither, because the Democrats subsequently thought 
it for their interest to confirm the nomination and to ac- 
cept Mr. Greeley for their candidate, is it to be imputed 
to him for a crime. He was but the passive recipient 
of unexpected honors from his old adversaries. Their 



14 

action did not change his own self-cliosen position, 
or swerve him from his principles. He did not be- 
come a Democrat or a representative of Democracy by 
accepting the nomination. He was the same Horace 
Greeley and the same Republican as before, and would 
have so remained had the fates been propitious and 
placed him in the Pi'esidential chair. It was his own lofty 
and independent position, his daring declarations of de- 
termined freedom from party shackles when they would 
bind him to support what he abhorred and execrated, 
that extorted the admiration of his old foes, and won 
the support of such of them as could be moved by senti- 
ments of magnanimity toward so noble and fearless a 
leader. Unhappily these did not comprise the whole of 
the Democratic party. There were numerous Democrats 
in every State, who, in the zeal of their partisanship, 
opposed him to the end, and threw State after State into 
the hands of Gen. Grant's friend So They at least be- 
lieved Gen. Grant to be a better Democrat than Mr. 
Greeley. They knew that Mr. Greeley had never be- 
longed to the Democratic party, had never joined it, had 
never qualified his hostility to its views in every issue 
it had ever raised with the Republican party in the 
past, and for these reasons they refused their support to 
his nomination. It was these Democrats who would 
not go over to Mr. Greeley's position, and yield him 
their support, who compassed his defeat. They declined 
being parties to the sacrifice that the Baltimore Conven- 
tion of the representatives of the party were willing to 
make, and did make, as the declaration of principles they 
adopted amply attests. Mr. Greeley himself stood firm in 
his own place — that of a consistent, pronounced, distinc- 
tive, but liberal and non-partisan Republican. This is 
not left to conjecture or assertion. His writings and 



15 

his speeches, during the canvass, from first to last, at 
once luminous and copious, all show it, and are an ever- 
lasting testimony to his truth, his consistency, and his 
unswerving fidelity to his principles and his convictions. 
No friend of his is perplexed as to his motives, or in 
doubt as to his inspirations, or questions the perfect in- 
tegrity of his acts. His path ^\ ay needs no hedge to con- 
ceal devious and labyrinthine ways. His road was clear 
and open and plain to all who do not choose to be 
blinded by the fogs of a shallow partisanship. It is at 
once an insult to his memory and an insult to the per- 
sonal and political friends who supported him through the 
Presidential contest, either to charge or to intimate that 
his reputation and his honor are best conserved by throw- 
a vail over the most prominent facts and circumstances 
of his whole political life. His friends say. No ! Un- 
cover everything. Let all be told. Conceal nothing. 
We challenge the sharpest scrutiny. But why say even 
this ? There is nothiuo- to scrutinize that the broad 
light of open day does not already shine upon and re- 
veal, and the impartial biographer and historian of the 
future, when he shall review Mr. Greeley's life and 
character, will find no flaw therein, and will be com- 
pelled to pronounce the inevitable verdict : " Well done, 
good and faithful servant." 







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